what to the slave is the fourth of july annotation
In his speech, "The Hypocrisy of American Slavery . Oppression makes a wise man mad. He talks about how Americans are proud of their country and their religion and how they rejoice in the name of freedom and liberty and yet they do not offer those things to millions of their country's residents. They strip the love of God of its beauty, and leave the throng of religion a huge, horrible, repulsive form. But a still more inhuman, disgraceful, and scandalous state of things remains to be presented. On the 2d of July, 1776, the old Continental Congress, to the dismay of the lovers of ease, and the worshipers of property, clothed that dreadful idea with all the authority of national sanction. To all inspiring motives, to noble deeds which can be gained from the past, we are welcome. He says that, if anything, many churches actually stand behind slavery and support the continued existence of the institution. In that instrument I hold there is neither warrant, license, nor sanction of the hateful thing; but, interpreted as it ought to be interpreted, the Constitution is a GLORIOUS LIBERTY DOCUMENT. We hanged our harps upon the willows in the midst thereof. But I differ from those who charge this baseness on the framers of the Constitution of the United States. It makes its pathway over and under the sea, as well as on the earth. May of Syracuse, and my esteemed friend (Rev. They hate all changes, but silver, gold and copper change! What have I, or those I represent, to do with your national independence? Rhetoricians R. L. Heath and D. Waymer refer to this as the "paradox of the positive" because it highlights how something positive and meant to be positive can also exclude individuals. In speaking of the American church, however, let it be distinctly understood that I mean the great mass of the religious organizations of our land. What, to the American slave, is your 4th of July? The anti-slavery movement there was not an anti-church movement, for the reason that the church took its full share in prosecuting that movement: and the anti-slavery movement in this country will cease to be an anti-church movement, when the church of this country shall assume a favorable, instead or a hostile position towards that movement. When a child, my soul was often pierced with a sense of its horrors. No! There is consolation in the thought that America is young. Yet this is but a glance at the American slave-trade, as it exists, at this moment, in the ruling part of the United States.I was born amid such sights and scenes. Yea! Her speed had faltered under the weight of her child and her chains! Douglass was a former slave of the 19th century and soon became a leader during the Abolitionist Movement. This home government, you know, although a considerable distance from your home, did, in the exercise of its parental prerogatives, impose upon its colonial children, such restraints, burdens and limitations, as, in its mature judgment, it deemed wise, right and proper. [12], According to the 1850 Census, there were around 3.2 million enslaved persons in the United States. Follow the drove to New Orleans. And let me warn you that it is dangerous to copy the example of a nation whose crimes, lowering up to heaven, were thrown down by the breath of the Almighty, burying that nation in irrecoverable ruin! The drove moves tardily. Read its preamble, consider its purposes. [3] In the address, Douglass states that positive statements about American values, such as liberty, citizenship, and freedom, were an offense to the enslaved population of the United States because they lacked those rights. [20]:346 To prove evidence of these inconsistencies, as one historian noted, during the speech Douglass claims that the United States Constitution is an abolitionist document and not a pro-slavery document.[22][23][24]. The crack you heard, was the sound of the slave-whip; the scream you heard, was from the woman you saw with the babe. The manhood of the slave is conceded. Would you have me argue that man is entitled to liberty? He wrote and presented a speech that challenged . He became a leader in the abolitionist movement, which sought to end the practice of slavery, before and during the Civil War. Douglass then discusses the internal slave trade in America. These wretched people are to be sold singly, or in lots, to suit purchasers. The speech "What to the Slave Is the Fourth of July?" was delivered in the decade preceding the American Civil War, which lasted from 1861 to 1865 and achieved the abolition of slavery. This, to you, is what the Passover was to the emancipated people of God. The speech 'What to the Slaves is the Fourth of July' projected the American Day of Independence from a slave's point of view and brought to light the horrific experiences of slavery. But the 1852 "What to the Slave is the Fourth of July?" speech remains the best known of his addresses on the occasion, especially as it became even more widely read in the late-20th century,. Your President, your Secretary of State, your lords, nobles, and ecclesiastics, enforce, as a duty you owe to your free and glorious country, and to your God, that you do this accursed thing. weeping, as she thinks of the mother from whom she has been torn! We have to do with the past only as we can make it useful to the present and to the future. ARI . Frederick Douglass, born a slave and later the most influential African American leader of the 1800s, addresses the hypocrisy of the US of maintaining slavery with its upheld ideals being freedom and independence on July 4th, 1852. They convert the very name of religion into an engine of tyranny and barbarous cruelty, and serve to confirm more infidels, in this age, than all the infidel writings of Thomas Paine, Voltaire, and Bolingbroke put together have done. [Under the Act] it became illegal not to arrest and return runaway slaves. Ex-Vice-President Dallas tells us that the Constitution is an object to which no American mind can be too attentive, and no American heart too devoted. we wept when we remembered Zion. In this collection, students will review the life of Frederick Douglass and learn about one of his most famous speeches, "The Meaning of Fourth of July for the Negro" (it is also commonly referred to as "What to the Slave is the Fourth of July). From the slave prison to the ship, they are usually driven in the darkness of night; for since the antislavery agitation, a certain caution is observed.In the deep still darkness of midnight, I have been often aroused by the dead heavy footsteps, and the piteous cries of the chained gangs that passed our door. The occasion was the Society's Fourth of July celebration, but Douglass refused to give the speech on July 4; he would not celebrate the holiday so long as African Americans remained enslaved. [5] American studies professor Andrew S. Bibby argues that because many of the editions produced for educational use are abridged, they often misrepresent Douglass's original through omission or editorial focus. Your fathers esteemed the English Government as the home government; and England as the fatherland. Then would my task be light, and my burden easy and delightful. You have no right to wear out and waste the hard-earned fame of your fathers to cover your indolence. Do you mean, citizens, to mock me, by asking me to speak to-day? The time for such argument is passed.At a time like this, scorching irony, not convincing argument, is needed. It esteems sacrifice above mercy; psalm-singing above right doing; solemn meetings above practical righteousness. Yea! There are illustrations of it near and remote, ancient and modern. I do not remember ever to have appeared as a speaker before any assembly more. It destroys your moral power abroad; it corrupts your politicians at home. And instead of being the honest men I have before declared them to be, they were the veriest imposters that ever practiced on mankind. While I do not intend to argue this question on the present occasion, let me ask, if it be not somewhat singular that, if the Constitution were intended to be, by its framers and adopters, a slave-holding instrument, why neither slavery, slaveholding, nor slave can anywhere be found in it. What, to the American slave, is your 4th of July? But it is answered in reply to all this, that precisely what I have now denounced is, in fact, guaranteed and sanctioned by the Constitution of the United States; that the right to hold and to hunt slaves is a part of that Constitution framed by the illustrious Fathers of this Republic. Feeling themselves harshly and unjustly treated by the home government, your fathers, like men of honesty, and men of spirit, earnestly sought redress. I am not included within the pale of this glorious anniversary! You will see one of these human flesh-jobbers, armed with pistol, whip and bowie-knife, driving a company of a hundred men, women, and children, from the Potomac to the slave market at New Orleans. To him, your celebration is a sham; your boasted liberty, an unholy license; your national greatness, swelling vanity; your sounds of rejoicing are empty and heartless; your denunciations of tyrants, brass fronted impudence; your shouts of liberty and equality, hollow mockery; your prayers and hymns, your sermons and thanksgivings, with all your religious parade, and solemnity, are, to him, mere bombast, fraud, deception, impiety, and hypocrisya thin veil to cover up crimes which would disgrace a nation of savages. "What to the Slave is the Fourth of July?" remains one of the most effective and poignant condemnations of slavery in the canon of American abolitionist literature, a tribute to the moral character and oratorical skills of Frederick Douglass. [20]:345He also attempts to demonstrate the irony of their inability to sympathize with the Black people they oppressed in cruel ways that the forefathers they valorized never experienced. Knowledge is becoming more readily available, Douglass said, and soon the American people will open their eyes to the atrocities they have been inflicting on their fellow Americans. I do not hesitate to declare, with all my soul, that the character and conduct of this nation never looked blacker to me than on this 4th of July! What will this years event be like? Your fathers were wise men, and if they did not go mad, they became restive under this treatment. This Fourth [of] July is yours, not mine. He argues that though the international slave trade is correctly decried as abhorrent, the people of the United States are far less vocal in their opposition to domestic slave trade. Nobody doubts it. I answer: a day that reveals to him, more than all other days in the year, the gross injustice and cruelty to which he is the constant victim. This Fourth [of] July is yours, not mine. To find out what elements make the speech 'What to the Slave is the Fourth of July?' The Act also denied suspected slaves trial by jury or even the ability to testify on their own behalf in court. By an act of the American Congress, not yet two years old, slavery has been nationalized in its most horrible and revolting form. [10] Douglass had spoken at Corinthian Hall in the past. Is it at the gateway? We need the storm, the whirlwind, and the earthquake. The fact that the church of our country, (with fractional exceptions), does not esteem the Fugitive Slave Law as a declaration of war against religious liberty, implies that that church regards religion simply as a form of worship, an empty ceremony, and not a vital principle, requiring active benevolence, justice, love and good will towards man. $ 3.60. I repeat, I am glad this is so. True Christians, according to Douglass, should not stand idly by while the rights and liberty of others are stripped away. What point in the anti-slavery creed would you have me argue? The right of the hunter to his prey stands superior to the right of marriage, and to all rights in this republic, the rights of God included! You may rejoice, I must mourn. ROY: The event that were doing in Somerville puts pressure on whitewashed conceptions of the Fourth of July, as many people to this day still view it as a celebration of American food, fireworks, and freedom. Douglass referred not only to the captivity of enslaved people, but to the merciless exploitation and the cruelty and torture that slaves were subjected to in the United States. "[1][2] was a speech delivered by Frederick Douglass on July 5, 1852, at Corinthian Hall in Rochester, New York, at a meeting organized by the Rochester Ladies' Anti-Slavery Society. I will not equivocate; I will not excuse;. a horrible reptile is coiled up in your nations bosom; the venomous creature is nursing at the tender breast of your youthful republic; for the love of God, tear away, and fling from you the hideous monster, and let the weight of twenty millions crush and destroy it forever!But it is answered in reply to all this, that precisely what I have now denounced is, in fact, guaranteed and sanctioned by the Constitution of the United States; that the right to hold and to hunt slaves is a part of that Constitution framed by the illustrious Fathers of this Republic.Then, I dare to affirm, notwithstanding all I have said before, your fathers stooped, basely stooped. If I do not remember thee, let my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth.Fellow-citizens; above your national, tumultuous joy, I hear the mournful wail of millions! To . Long established customs of hurtful character could formerly fence themselves in, and do their evil work with social impunity. 2. welcome atheism! But, I submit, where all is plain there is nothing to be argued. If I do not remember thee, let my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth.. They felt themselves the victims of grievous wrongs, wholly incurable in their colonial capacity. They inhabit all our Southern States. Heat and sorrow have nearly consumed their strength; suddenly you hear a quick snap, like the discharge of a rifle; the fetters clank, and the chain rattles simultaneously; your ears are saluted with a scream, that seems to have torn its way to the center of your soul! When the dogs in your streets, when the fowls of the air, when the cattle on your hills, when the fish of the sea, and the reptiles that crawl, shall be unable to distinguish the slave from a brute, then will I argue with you that the slave is a man!For the present, it is enough to affirm the equal manhood of the Negro race. Need I tell you that the Jews are not the only people who built the tombs of the prophets, and garnished the sepulchres of the righteous? The speech has been notably performed or read by important figures, including the following: The paragraphing referenced here is taken from an edition of the speech at, African Americans In Congress: A Documentary History, by Eric Freedman and Stephen A, Jones, 2008, p. 39, "Activist Public Relations and the Paradox of the Positive: A Case Study of Frederick Douglass's Fourth of July Address", "One of American History's Worst Laws Was Passed 165 Years Ago", "The Operation of the Fugitive Slave Law in Western Pennsylvania from 1850 to 1860", The American Constitutional Experience: Selected Readings & Supreme Court Opinions, Frederick Douglass on Slavery and the Civil War: Selections from His Writings, "Frederick Douglass Statue Torn Down On Anniversary Of Famous Speech", "Frederick Douglass statue torn down in Rochester, N.Y., on anniversary of his famous Fourth of July speech", "Frederick Douglass statue torn down on anniversary of great speech", "VIDEO: Frederick Douglass' Descendants Deliver His 'Fourth Of July' Speech", A Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass, an American Slave, Frederick Douglass's Descendants Deliver His 'Fourth of July' Speech, https://en.wikipedia.org/w/index.php?title=What_to_the_Slave_Is_the_Fourth_of_July%3F&oldid=1137650578. He had delivered a series of seven lectures about slavery there in the winter of 185051. Douglass then pivots to the present, stating that "We have to do with the past only as we can make it useful to the present and to the future". The eye of the reformer is met with angry flashes, portending disastrous times; but his heart may well beat lighter at the thought that America is young, and that she is still in the impressible stage of her existence. Nations do not now stand in the same relation to each other that they did ages ago. As with rivers so with nations. ROY:One of the things that Douglass writings shows us is that he believed in amplifying a variety of voices. He celebrates the efforts of the founding fathers of America for fighting back against the tyranny of England.[18]. You can bare your bosom to the storm of British artillery to throw off a threepenny tax on tea; and yet wring the last hard-earned farthing from the grasp of the black laborers of your country. No abuse, no outrage whether in taste, sport or avarice, can now hide itself from the all-pervading light. Where these go, may also go the merciless slave-hunter. I will not enlarge further on your national inconsistencies. Douglass also stresses the view that slaves and free Americans are equal in nature. whose chains, heavy and grievous yesterday, are, to-day, rendered more intolerable by the jubilee shouts that reach them. What to a Slave is the Fourth of July Frederick Douglass Fredrick speech. was delivered in the decade preceding the American Civil War, which lasted from 1861 to 1865 and achieved the abolition of slavery. To the slave, Douglass tells the audience, "your 4th of July is a sham; your boasted liberty, an unholy license [for enslaving blacks] . Advertisement for the pamphlet of Douglass' speech from the July 12, 1852 edition of Frederick Douglass' Paper (formerly The North Star), Douglass begins by saying that the fathers of the nation were great statesmen, and that the values expressed in the Declaration of Independence were "saving principles", and the "ringbolt of your nation's destiny", stating, "stand by those principles, be true to them on all occasions, in all places, against all foes, and at whatever cost." Everywhere, in this country, it is safe to speak of this foreign slave-trade, as a most inhuman traffic, opposed alike to the laws of God and of man. For there, they that carried us away captive, required of us a song; and they who wasted us required of us mirth, saying, Sing us one of the songs of Zion. Because the church stood behind the decision to abolish the selling and buying of people, so did the rest of the country. [6] Due to this and the variant titles given to it in various places, and the fact that it is called a July Fourth Oration but was actually delivered on July 5, some confusion has arisen about the date and contents of the speech. Heavy billows, like mountains in the distance, disclose to the leeward huge forms of flinty rocks! What, to the American slave, is your 4th of July? See, too, that girl of thirteen, weeping, yes! In a case like that, the dumb might eloquently speak, and the lame man leap as an hart.But, such is not the state of the case. [8] Frederick Douglass had moved to Rochester in 1847 in order to publish his newspaper The North Star. In short, it gave the federal government an active role in maintaining the Souths system of slavery. There are seventy-two crimes in the State of Virginia, which, if committed by a black man, (no matter how ignorant he be), subject him to the punishment of death; while only two of the same crimes will subject a white man to the like punishment. He further says, the Constitution, in its words, is plain and intelligible, and is meant for the home-bred, unsophisticated understandings of our fellow-citizens. Without this fight, the liberty of an American citizen would be as insecure as that of a Frenchman. These ministers make religion a cold and flinty-hearted thing, having neither principles of right action, nor bowels of compassion. in preference to the gospel, as preached by those Divines! Born into slavery around 1818, Douglass became a key leader of the abolitionist. Whether we turn to the declarations of the past, or to the professions of the present, the conduct of the nation seems equally hideous and revolting. Is slavery among them? 2003. He implored the Rochester, N.Y., audience to think about the ongoing oppression of Black Americans during a holiday celebrating . While drawing encouragement from the Declaration of Independence, the great principles it contains, and the genius of American Institutions, my spirit is also cheered by the obvious tendencies of the age. With this product, you can choose to either have your students read the entire speech and annotate and analyze Douglass' rhetorical devices or you can choose to have your students read shorter excerpts from the speech and do an abbreviated annotation and analysis of rhetorical devices. Where these are, man is not sacred. (3) $3.99. All this we affirm to be true of the popular church, and the popular worship of our land and nation a religion, a church, and a worship which, on the authority of inspired wisdom, we pronounce to be an abomination in the sight of God. The minister of American justice is bound by the law to hear but one side; and that side, is the side of the oppressor. You profess to believe that, of one blood, God made all nations of men to dwell on the face of all the earth, and hath commanded all men, everywhere to love one another; yet you notoriously hate, (and glory in your hatred), all men whose skins are not colored like your own. Three score years and ten is the allotted time for individual men; but nations number their years by thousands. The anguish of my boyish heart was intense; and I was often consoled, when speaking to my mistress in the morning, to hear her say that the custom was very wicked; that she hated to hear the rattle of the chains, and the heart-rending cries. No nation can now shut itself up from the surrounding world, and trot round in the same old path of its fathers without interference. Summary: "What to the Slave Is the Fourth of July?" In "What to the Slave Is the Fourth of July?", otherwise known as "The Meaning of July Fourth for the Negro," Frederick Douglassoutlines a careful argument against the institution of slavery and more specifically the Fugitive Slave Act. Who so obdurate and dead to the claims of gratitude, that would not thankfully acknowledge such priceless benefits? or is it in the temple? Your broad republican domain is hunting ground for men. A feeling has crept over me, quite unfavorable to the exercise of my limited powers of speech. From Boston to London is now a holiday excursion. To honor Black History Month, as an introduction or review of rhetorical appeals and devices, or as a speech exemplar, this Frederick Douglass "What to the Slave is the Fourth of July" rhetoric activity is a fabulous addition to any lesson. Your lawmakers have commanded all good citizens to engage in this hellish sport. Africa must rise and put on her yet unwoven garment. 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